They say the chinar
trees remember what human minds forget. Each autumn, as the leaves turn the
color of dried blood, they shed their burden in silence—millions of tiny
witnesses to a betrayal that has no name in any language but Kashmiri. On 27
October 1947, when the first Dakota aircraft disgorged its cargo of Indian
soldiers onto Srinagar’s tarmac, the earth itself cracked open. Not with earthquake
or thunder, but with the quieter violence of broken promises. The chinars,
those ancient sentinels of the valley, began their annual weeping that year—not
from seasonal change, but from the weight of what they witnessed.
By
Shahzia Ashraf
The maharaja’s
controversial signature on the Instrument of Accession was a death warrant
disguised as a treaty. Hari Singh, whose authority had already dissolved like
snow in April rain, pressed his seal to paper while his subjects rose in revolt
against his tyranny. The document itself, a masterpiece of colonial legalism, contained within its clauses the
seeds of its own betrayal. “Determined by the will of the people,” it promised.
But whose will? The will of those who had already liberated vast swathes of
territory? Or the will of a monarch who had already fled his capital in terror?
The answer came in the
form of bayonets and bureaucracy. Within hours of the landing, Kashmir
transformed from sovereign dispute to occupied territory. Sheikh Abdullah, once
the firebrand who rallied thousands with cries of “Quit Kashmir,” metamorphosed
into Delhi’s chosen administrator. His transformation was as rapid as it was
tragic—from lion to lapdog in the span of a plane ride. But even this
arrangement proved too democratic for India’s designs. By 1953, the same Sheikh
who had sold Kashmir’s autonomy for a prime Minster chair found himself in the
same jails where he once confined his political opponents.
Thus began the great
Kashmiri tradition of leadership as martyrdom. Every voice that rose to demand
the promised referendum,
whether
the velvet tones of Mirwaiz Farooq or Abdul Ghanie Lone , Sheikh Abdul Aziz to
the iron resolve of Syed Ali Geelani, met the same fate. Imprisonment, exile,
assassination: a holy trinity of statecraft. The message, broadcast through
blood and barbed wire, was unambiguous: Kashmir would speak only when spoken
to, and only in the language Delhi prescribed.
The numbers tell their
own obscene story. Nine hundred thousand soldiers, roughly one for every eight
Kashmiris, transform
the valley into an open-air prison. AFSPA, that colonial relic reborn, grants
these soldiers the power to kill on suspicion, to disappear without trace, to
rape with impunity. The statistics of atrocity blur into abstraction: 8,000
enforced disappearances, 2,730 unmarked graves, countless Kunan-Poshporas. Each
number represents a universe of grief, a mother who still sets an extra plate at dinner, a
wife who still applies henna as if her wedding day might return, a child who
still scans crowds for a father’s face.
But occupation is not
merely a matter of boots and bullets. It colonizes language itself. In school
textbooks, Kashmir’s history begins in 1947. In census forms, identity becomes
a weapon of demographic warfare. The 2020 domicile rules—India’s answer to
Israel’s settlement project—invite outsiders to claim what generations of
Kashmiris have bled to protect. Internet shutdowns, the longest in any
democracy’s history, transform the valley into a black hole where information
enters but cannot escape. While the world watches through Delhi’s carefully
curated lens, Kashmiris disappear into digital darkness.
The ballot box, that
sacred cow of democracy, has been slaughtered and stuffed to serve as Delhi’s
ventriloquist dummy. From the rigged elections of 1987—which birthed the armed struggle
as surely as night follows day—to the
post-2019 panchayat polls conducted from behind concertina wire and mass
detention, voting has become an act of state theatre. The turnout percentages
that India parades before international audiences are extracted at gunpoint,
through boycott fatigue, in the absence of any neutral political space. They
are not expressions of popular will but photographs of coercion.
Occupation is a joint
venture. The United Nations’ own resolutions—once flamboyant charters of
self-determination—now moulder in climate-controlled vaults, their commas and
semicolons embalmed by decades of studied neglect. Meanwhile, Delhi’s ascendant Hindutva regime
has turned Kashmir into a laboratory for majoritarian terror, confident that no
gavel will fall, no resolution will rise.
Washington’s price for silence is embarrassingly small: a defence
contract here, a semiconductor plant there; the State Department’s “concern”
lasts exactly forty-seven words. while Kashmiri funeral processions
lengthen. E Pakistan remains the last
self-declared lifeline; despite its own problems Pakistan continues its support
to Kashmir’s struggle for self determination.
Yet beneath this weight
of history and horror, resistance persists like grass through concrete. It
shape-shifts across generations, adapting but never surrendering. The
stone-pelters of 2008-10 inherit the mantle from the martyrs of 1931. The
graffiti that appears overnight—“Go India, Go Back”—speaks the same language as
the mass funeral processions of 2016. Every teenage girl who marches toward the
UN office despite pellet guns keeps alive the promise that was broken on 27
October. Every baker who defies curfew to keep his shop open performs an act of
civil resistance. Every mother who searches morgues for a son disappeared
decades ago refuses to let occupation write the final chapter.
The chinar trees
continue their annual ritual, but now their leaves fall on soil enriched by
unmarked graves. Each autumn brings a fresh crop of gold and crimson, each leaf
a tiny testament to unfinished mourning. Until the promise of that
plebiscite—made in bad faith but recorded in black and white—is redeemed, 27
October remains not history but wound. Not memory but prophecy. Every Kashmiri
heartbeat becomes an act of resistance against the original sin of occupation.
And the crimson continues to weep.
Writer is a research
associate at Kashmir Institute of International Relations and can be reached at
shaziahkhawaja@gmail.com