Impact of Kashmir Conflict on Climate Governance in Azad Jammu and Kashmir
Impact of Kashmir Conflict on Climate Governance in Azad Jammu and Kashmir
Abstract
The presented study explores the impact of Kashmir conflict on climate governance in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. It aims to interpret how the ongoing conflict is exacerbating climate governance in AJK. A brief introduction of Kashmir Conflict and AJK along with definitions and short explanations of concepts related to the study has been given for the feasibility of audience. Secondary data is consulted to draw insights as the time constraint did not permit author to collect first-hand data. The theoretical framework of “Conflict-Climate Nexus” is employed to understand the impact of Kashmir conflict on climate governance.
By Sohaib Ahmad
BS International Relations 5th Semester Quaid-i-Azam University
The results that study derived identified five key sectors in which climate governance is being impacted by the conflict in AJK. These sectors are political & legal, financial, security, administrative and social. The study learnt that cumulative impact effect of the conflict over these sectors is drastically deteriorating the overall climate governance in the region. The paper concludes with some workable recommendations to strengthen the climate governance in Azad Kashmir.
Keywords: Kashmir Conflict, Azad Kashmir, Climate Change, Climate Governance
1. Introduction
Azad Jammu and Kashmir (abbreviated as AJK) is a self-governing entity located in the South Asian region. This elongated strip constitutes the southwestern part of fragmented erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir which has been the subject to dispute between India and Pakistan over last three quarters. The partition plan devised for the bifurcation of Subcontinent allowed but not bound the rulers of states under British paramountcy to join either India or Pakistan, considering their geographic connectivity and demographic composition
. However, the Maharaja of Kashmir could not make a definite decision about the state’s future. Rather, his certain measures instilled fear and chaos among Muslims. Sensing an anticipated annexation with India, agitations were staged leading to a civil revolt in districts bordering Pakistan. Rebels were assisted by tribesmen from the frontier province of Pakistan. Consumed by the fear of being overthrown, Maharaja sought refuge from India signing an instrument of accession to the dominion. Nevertheless, prior to this agreement, a government in exile of Kashmir was announced on October 24, 1947. However, international legal frameworks does not recognize the De Jure status of AJK government. Instead, it retains AJK government De Facto status with ultimate fate of the state to be decided by a plebiscite. Part II clause A sub-clause (3) of the resolution adopted by United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan on August 13,1948 reads, “Pending a final solution the territory evacuated by the Pakistan troops will be administered by the local authorities under the surveillance of the Commission.”
The nascent executive of these local authorities gradually developed into a mature and sophisticated administration. Presently, the government of AJK is exercising its jurisdiction in subjects except defense, foreign affairs and communication which have been delegated to government of Pakistan, pursuant to Karachi Pact 1949. Notwithstanding having an empowered government, AJK could not escape from the curse of its contested status. Internationally being recognized as a “disputed zone” pushed the region into a situation of “political limbo”. This special nature of AJK have broad ramifications for the region. It prompted several governance problems in AJK. Frequent escalations on border since the genesis of the conflict further amplified the situation. This research paper aims to explore one of the governance issues brought about by the Kashmir Conflict, i.e., Climate Governance.
Climate change is simply defined as long-term change in weather patterns due to human activities. It is the most lethal challenge to human security in contemporary times. It is perceived as the gravest challenge that modern humanity has ever faced, also being labelled as “threat multiplier”. The severity of climate challenge is also amplified by the fact that states which are not even contributing to it are also exposed to its impacts. Therefore, there is a call for global climate governance. Number of UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) corresponds with climate change with SDG number 13 “climate action” specifically meant for it. Like other parts of the world, the contested region of Kashmir is not immune from climate change. Instead, the disputed nature of Kashmir makes it more vulnerable to climate change. Especially, on part of Azad Kashmir, the conflict is not exacerbating the vulnerability of the region, but also acting as an agent yielding bottlenecks that are significantly hindering the climate governance in AJK.
Climate Governance can be defined as all meaningful processes and actions intended to invoke social systems for curbing, mitigating or adapting to the dangers caused by climate change . As the name suggests, climate governance is an over-arching theme. However, in reference to Azad Kashmir, the impact of Kashmir conflict on governance and particularly climate governance in Azad Kashmir is widely unexplored. This research paper is intended to fill this gap. To evaluate the impact of Kashmir Conflict on entire governance requires a thesis/dissertation and is beyond the scope of this paper. That is why the paper is focused on climate governance only as it is the marked issue of contemporary time. It is directed at exploring the legal and political, financial, security, administrative and social implications of Kashmir conflict for Azad Kashmir in the realm of climate governance. The analysis of multiple facets would help us to get a pervading view of the impact of Kashmir conflict on climate governance.
The significance of the research cannot be overlooked. It will help us to assess the degree to which Kashmir Conflict is relevant to AJK in terms of its implications. It will help us to navigate the ramifications of Kashmir conflict in those areas where it apparently does not make any impact. This will enable us to see the conflict as a pervading phenomenon which has its far-reaching implications in varied spheres, rather than just a mere agency, acting in isolation and influencing only certain quarters of governance. The research will also facilitate the policy-makers to ponder over the insights drawn from this research, and incorporate it into their policies pertaining to climate change.
2. Methodology
A mixed approach integrating quantitative and qualitative data is used in this research. For data collection, the author only relied on secondary data since time was limited to collecting the first-hand data and so did the resources. This is a limitation of the study. However, some insights are drawn from the personal observations of the author. The secondary data sources includes but is not limited to research papers, articles, resolutions, etc. For the genuineness of the research, only credible sources are consulted. Kashmir Conflict is independent variable in the study while climate governance is the dependent variable which is subject to influence of the conflict. Ethical and legal considerations are upheld while conducting the research. All the sources that are utilized are cited to give the authors their due credit and avoid plagiarism. It is tried to shun biasness and adopt a balance and neutral approach, so the research could breed impartial results.
Research inquiry is categorized into five different sections, each section representing a specific facet of the impact of Kashmir conflict on climate governance in AJK. The categorization is intended to make the research more structured, so it could be easy to draw insights. To analyze and interpret the result, the framework of conflict-governance nexus has been employed. The framework aims to explore the intricate relationship between conflict and governance. It deconstructs how the conflict directly or indirectly hampers effective and efficient governance in a region and vice versa. Leveraging this framework, the impact of Kashmir conflict on climate governance in AJK is studied.
3. Impact of Kashmir Conflict on Climate Governance in AJK
3.1. Legal and Political Impact-Governance Structure
As noted above, AJK is stuck in a position that could be termed as “constitutional and political limbo”. Pakistan is reluctant to introduce constitutional reforms in AJK and conceding adequate representation to Azad Kashmir in legislative and administrative entities, apprehending that it will hurt its stance on international forum. The cabinet division of Pakistan via its two sequential notices asserted that “despite AJK is not part of Pakistan in the context of Article 1(2)(d) of its constitution, it would be managed akin to other units constituting the federation for functional purposes.” It implies that AJK is liable to all duties like all other provinces without having rights. It does not have representation in legislative and executive organs of Pakistan. Therefore, policies formulated by government of Pakistan whose coverage is extended to AJK mostly does not correspond with the environment of AJK. Azad Kashmir also lack representation in coordination and consultation institutions between provinces which are responsible for resource distribution, dispute settlement, planning mega projects, etc. The exclusion of AJK from these constitutional bodies deprives AJK from the right of negotiating for resource allocation, and advocating for development initiatives and overall policies aligned with region’s aspirations.
Although climate change is a devolved subject in Pakistan pursuant to eighteenth amendment, but the complicated dynamics of climate change involves multi-layered governance at federal, provincial and concurrent level. Parliament of Pakistan which is apex legislative and executive authority mandated to enact and enforce policies including climate change denies representation to AJK region. Therefore, the initiation of any debate pertaining to climate change in AJK is not conceivable. Subsequently, standing committees of both chambers of Parliament for climate change which are responsible for evidence-based legislation and policy oversight also lack any member from AJK.
As stated earlier, AJK is also not featured in planning institutions leading to a governance gap. National Economic Council (NEC), whose executive committee approves all mega projects does not have any say from AJK. This shortcoming could translate into the planning of climate-hostile projects. For instance, massive protests were recorded in Azad Kashmir over the detrimental impacts of Neelum-Jhelum Hydropower Project citing loss of biodiversity, extinction of springs and increase in temperature due to diversion of Neelum river. It is also claimed that 80-90 percent has been diverted while 20 percent diversion was settled.
To neutralize its impacts, Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA) had to construct three artificial lakes and several sewage treatment plants but it never happened. The limited fund released by WAPDA was perished by the neglect of state’s Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). However, due to non-representation in NEC, no mechanism exists to bind the agencies involved for the completion of these development projects and regulate the diversion of only agreed amount of water. This dishonoring of commitments cultivated distrust among civil society of Muzaffarabad, and people had demonstrated strikes against Kohala Hydropower Project which involves the diversion of Jhelum River anticipating its potential impacts.
In the same manner, AJK does not constitute Council of Common Interest (CCI) which ensures the management of two climate-sensitive sectors ⸺water and energy⸺ and their equitable distribution. This could result in consensus on a resource allocation formula that may pave water shortage in the region. For example, people of Mirpur have been struggling to obtain drinking water from Mangla Dam. When “Mangla Dam Rising Project” was announced, federal government attained public support promising that prolonged demand of local population for drinking water would be met. A tripartite agreement was signed between the government of Pakistan, government of AJK and WAPDA that Mirpur and adjacent villages would be provided 126 cusec drinking water through executive order. However, WAPDA refused to allocate water under the pretext that it is not approved by CCI. In CCI, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan and Sindh barred this move. AJK government holds the position the approval of 126 cusecs water is final and is not subject to the approval of CCI as endorsed by a notification from government of Pakistan. It has been in prolonged delay since then. The issue would not have emerged if AJK government had brokered the agreement with other provinces from the platform of CCI prior to execution of rising project.
The situation is exacerbated when this non-representation coupled with bad governance on part of Azad Kashmir. Along with many other dysfunctions, AJK government failed to establish a separate ministry for climate change and EPA, which is responsible for environment conservation, is also commissioned to deal with climate change even Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Balochistan have their climate change departments. Climate governance in Pakistan is also in transition phase. Climate Change Act (2017) envisioned three key entities: Climate Change Council (CCC), Climate Change Authority (CCA) and Climate Change Fund (CCF) which are supposed to pitch efficient and effective climate mitigation and adaptation strategies. Prime Minister of Azad Kashmir is an ex officio member of the council. Prime Minister of Pakistan has recently ordered to constitute the Climate Change Authority after Supreme Court’s decision, but it is yet to be established. Since the setup is not fully implemented, it would be premature to comment on its contours. Nevertheless, it is for granted that without the due representation of AJK, actions to coping climate change and advancing climate governance in the jurisdiction of state would be flawed.
3.2 Financial Impact-Climate Endowment
The role of public-private partnerships (PPPs) have become increasingly vital to meet the climate challenge in present scenario. According to a report by World Resource Institute (WRI) published in 2022, 53% of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) estimated the climate finance required to address climate risks was amounted to $4.3 trillion for both mitigation and adaptation strategies. The amount outlined in NDCs cannot be afforded by governments of developing countries due to their limited fiscal spendings. Due to this very fact, the role of the private sector and its collaboration with government sector multiplied to curb the climate change. The Norden study on public-private sector for climate finance also concluded that projects must have to provide financial incentive to private sector for engaging in climate finance.
Thus, the role of government collaboration with private sector is deemed necessary to cope with the challenges posed by climate change. However, historically, state subject laws had remained prevalent in the state since Dogra times that were originally enacted to ensure that local population retains the ownership of their lands and have access to job opportunities, protecting them from the foreign dominance. After independence, the AJK government kept these laws enforced primarily with the intent of maintaining the original demographic composition of the state which is a pre-requisite for the proposed plebiscite. Though these laws have many advantages for the state, they are accompanied by a drawback that denial to acquisition of immovable property left the private sector with limited incentive to invest in the region. This consequentially reduced the prospects for public-private partnerships which, as we already established, are essential for climate governance.
This could be curtailed by offering alternatives to the private sector which satisfy their profit motive impulse. The legal environment could be made conducive to the private sector by synchronizing policies like lease laws to investment captivating patterns. However, AJK lease laws are not very appealing. As during the proceeding of Power Development Organization (the body which monitor power projects in AJK) meeting, its ex-minister pointed out that the price for government and private land is much higher than in Punjab and other provinces. A representative of the Private Power Infrastructure Board, who was also present at the meeting, added that there is a significant marked difference of prices in AJK and Punjab which is impeding investment. Sardar Yasir Ilyas, a famous Kashmiri-origin businessman in his speech during a seminar organized in Quaid-i-Azam University this year, which author had the privilege to attend, also underpinned the same reason for low economic activity.
Lastly, Although AJK has been experiencing significant investment since last few years, but the fear of aggression has always remained a risk factor deterring foreign and domestic investment. The unpredictable circumstances of AJK could not garner sustainable investment for the region. Some business zones are in proximity of Line of Contril (LoC). That is why there is a marked difference between the actual and potential investment in the region. Lesser the investment, lesser the share of private sector for climate financing.
3.3 Security Impact-Flashpoint Region and Cross Border Collaboration
The Kashmir Conflict has significantly framed the security tapestry of AJK. Some security experts perceived the region as “Nuclear Flashpoint”. This perception shaped the governance priorities of Pakistan and AJK government, with military prowess being elevated to high-politics while the climate governance remains as low-politics. Wide-ranging military infrastructure has been developed especially in the regions that are adjacent to Line of Control (LoC) since they are more exposed to escalations because of their geographic proximity.
Especially, the growing expansionist designs of India as characterized by surge in its military endeavors under Hindutva regime has amplified the region’s cruciality by manifolds, making it strategically vulnerable than it might have ever before. Although the presence of this military ecosystem guarantees the security of the region in case of any adventure from the other side of the border, but this securitization overshadowed some other critical governance issues of which climate change is the primary one. Prioritizing the security resulted in the ignorance of climate action, and it could not garner the attention it is supposed to be.
The presence of volatile border is drastically impeding the socio-economic development of districts bordering the Indian-administered Kashmir. Facilities built in areas exposed to firing and shelling are susceptible to collapse. Climate infrastructure is also not an exception. Nosari Dam of Neelum-Jhelum Hydropower Project which is essentially a clean power generation project but also serves the purpose of limited water storage and flood control (through the pondage) was hit during the carpet bombing in July last year. Two of the mortar shells hit the mouth of the dam while one landed near the spill overs. A police constable on duty was also critically injured as the shrapnel from a shell penetrated his abdomen. The vulnerability of this climate-resilience infrastructure is another barrier to climate governance.
According to AJK Ministry of Planning and Development SDGs Districts scorecard, Neelum and Haveli, which have the most volatile borders in the state, stand at last in most of indicators ranking. As the development projects are difficult to implement in these districts, resulting in low ranking, so is hard to execute climate action in them. Strikingly, the need for climate governance is multiplied in Neelum valley as the district is severely exposed to climate change because of glacial melting and has been experiencing very unstable weather pattern since last few years.
For water security of Pakistan, cross-border collaboration for water management with India is necessary. However, due to ongoing tensions and border escalations, trust deficit has deepened between both parties and India’s unilateral water management decisions are exacerbating water crisis in AJK . India has developed Kishanganga Hydropower project on upstream of Neelum River by diverting the flow of river and channeling it through tunnel to a stream which falls into Wular Lake. Now, this water is entering AJK through Jhelum River and amount of water in Neelum river has declined by 27%, causing water scarcity and ecological disruption. Pakistan approached the Permanent Court of Arbitration (CoA) contending that the diversion is the alteration of river course which is violation of Indus Basin Treaty. It also contended that the project existing design include drawdown flushing facility which would enable India to empty and refill dam dead storage under the pretext of sedimentation removal. Pakistan feared that it would allow India to manipulate flow and cause both shortage and flooding downstream amid the conflict, compromising Pakistan’s water security.
CoA in its Partial Award in 2013 allowed India the diversion of water with the condition that a minimum flow of determined amount of water downstream must be maintained. However, it omitted India the depletion of reservoir below dead storage level. Pakistan noted that India did not made changes in design in accordance with the ruling and the location of lower spillway could still manipulate the water flow, so it must be elevated. Therefore, it sought World Bank to assemble another CoA. India wanted to solve the matter through Neutral Expert, believing that design is a technical issue and does not come under the jurisdiction of CoA. As per last update, CoA maintained that it has competence to hear the case. No major development has taken place since then. Such disputes could only be resolved through bilateral engagement, but the prospects for water diplomacy along with the conflict are minimal.
So, both the security diverted the government efforts and measures from climate governance and action. Border climate-resilient is also vulnerable to damage incurred by shelling and climate actions are hard to execute in areas exposed to aggression. The conflict has also diminished prospects for water diplomacy. Security prevailed climate and the pattern is likely to follow in future until long-lasting peace and stability is ensured in the region.
3.4 Administrative Impact-Migrants Problem
The AJK government is confronted with various administrative challenges. The problem of refugees in terms of its gravity is the leading challenge to the AJK government. Influx of Kashmiri people evacuated their homes in different time periods and settled in different areas of Pakistan and AJK. The descendants of migrants that moved to different districts of Pakistan alone stands at 1.5 million according to government reports. However, this paper is focused on migrants residing in AJK. In 1965, 10,000 families compromising 40,000 people crossed the border during and after the war.
The AJK government relocated these families to different parts of Pakistan. In 1971, 10,000 people fled to AJK which were resettled locally this time. The present wave of migration began in 1989 when people, escaping the persecutions initiated by Indian forces in response to massive agitation and armed freedom struggle, started seeking shelter in AJK. By 2013, 34,812 migrants were registered with AJK government who had entered Kashmir since 1990. By 2016, this number was amounting to 37,000 thousands. Paradoxically, the UN and its agencies do not recognize them as “refugee” as during their migration from Indian-administered Kashmir to Azad Kashmir, they did not cross any international boundary which does not make them eligible to qualify for refugee status as defined by the UN. Rather, the UN recognize them as Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs). Consequently, these refugees are not entitled to avail relief which are granted to them under international laws. This refugee problem, born out of Kashmir Conflict, has two-fold implication for climate governance.
Firstly, due to the migrants problem coupled with the denial of due aid and assistance of UN, the stream of AJK government expenditures flows at the rehabilitation of these displaced people. If this would not be the case, the amount spent for their resettlement could be reallocated to different sectors of which climate change measures also earn a significant share. Recently, AJK legislature was informed that federal government is going to launch the rehabilitation project of 90’s migrants at the cost of 10 billion rupees. The amount equates to the budget of dozens of climate projects.
Nevertheless, the second and the most concerning problem is these vulnerable communities of 90’s migrants. They are divided into city residents and camp residents with 22,773 people living in the camps which are operating throughout AJK according to 2013 statistics. Camps housing these migrants are not climate-resilient and, making good worse, some camps exist on the banks of river. This make them more exposed to the devastations of flood. Back in 2005 when an earthquake hit AJK, one of the camps settled at Kamsar in the proximity of Muzaffarabad drowned, resulting in loss of life. The danger is amplified by the absence of an efficient early warning system in AJK. Migrants driven to AJK by Indian atrocities are in relative content to a greater degree now, but they are prone to governance issues including robust climate action for the reason that the countries of Global South like Pakistan takes long-time to resolve these issues without international assistance.
3.5 Social Impact-Civic Engagement and Literary Culture
There is consensus on the role of civic engagement and participatory governance for climate action. Without robust civic engagement, equitable environmental governance is merely a wishful thinking. Therefore, think tanks are advocating for the populace role in climate policy and governments in Global North are trying to get civil society involved in climate change decision-making. The idea of climate assemblies is getting popular especially in the United Kingdom and Europe. Climate assemblies are platforms that bring common people together to understand, discuss and suggest recommendations on climate threat. Similarly, an integrated approach encompassing literature produced by both academic and popular circles is the need of hour.
Local narrative is a pre-requisite for coping with climate change. Place-based narratives help us to better our understanding of climate change (the problem framing), introduce indigenous practices to combat with climate change, and embed climate governance in social life. This description espouses the need of civic engagement and literary culture for coping climate change.
With the reference to Azad Kashmir, it would not be wrong to say that social life of public sphere is not relevant to climate governance. Most of the state residents lack any structured knowledge of climate change. There are many underlying factors behind this behavior of people of AJK. However, the conflict has also a due share in impeding the civic engagement on climate governance and shaping the literary culture which lack climate themes. Particularly, Neelum Valley is experiencing a dilemma. It is most affected by climate because of its physical features, but the district has the most volatile border in the region. In these challenging times, it is folly to believe that these people will assemble to discuss climate change.
However, there are informal “conflict assemblies” in Neelum where locals share the hardships they are suffering because of shelling and firing to tourists who visit the valley (as the author himself witnessed). Likewise, amid shelling and firing when people are unable to pursue their education, local-narrative incorporating indigenous approach addressing climate change cannot be developed.
Although the gravity of climate change and border escalation in the rest of AJK is not akin to that of Neelum Valley but the literary atmosphere of AJK is ridden with the conflict. The literature that has been drafted in the last 77 years is concentrated on human rights violations in Indian-administered Kashmir, migrants and their problems, Indo-Pak forces battles and skirmishes on the Line of Control, border bombing and its impact on physical and mental health and socio-economic development of locals dwelling the border areas, etc.
This left little vacuum to accommodate the climate change. In recent years, researchers worked on climate change in India-administered Kashmir where militarization is the driving factor for climate change. There are also some works on climate change in AJK, but nothing could be traced dissecting climate change through conflict lens. Similarly, there are certain community-based committees and professional working groups mandated to investigate the implications of either dimension of the conflict for both Azad Kashmir and India-administered Kashmir. However, no such apparatus exists for climate change. Although conflict is not the sole cause of this climate-ignorant environment, it also has its part to a considerable extent.
4. Discussion
The paper was aimed to understand how Kashmir conflict is impacting the climate governance in Pakistan-administered Azad Kashmir. The study found five key areas in which the conflict is impacting climate governance in AJK. Firstly, the governance structure rooted in political and legal status of AJK is inherently an impediment to climate governance as it excludes AJK from the decisions taken at federal or concurrent level that are directly or indirectly linked with climate change. The non-representation in different constitutional bodies aggravated the climate change in AJK .
Secondly, permanent land acquisition is omitted due to state subject law which is the legacy of conflict results in low investment, making it difficult to raise climate finance from private sector. Rigid lease laws and the volatility of region are also deterring private sector partnership. Thirdly, security has remained an issue in AJK and its severity has increased by many folds in recent years. This pushed the gravity of climate change in back and eclipsed the climate governance in the region. Ongoing tensions also make cross-border collaboration inconceivable for water resources sharing. Fourthly, the administration of Kashmiri migrants including their rehabilitation and resettlement constrained the AJK government fiscal ability to combat climate change. Additionally, these vulnerable communities are more prone to disasters brought about by climate change. Lastly, the literary culture of AJK is preoccupied with conflict themes and the ongoing conflict has reduced the prospects for civic engagement on climate change, pulling the people’s attention towards it.
The cumulation of these factors that stemmed from Kashmir conflict impacted the overall climate governance in Azad Kashmir. These findings has far-reaching implications. They suggests that the conflict has wide-ranging ramifications for Azad Kashmir as well. Climate governance nature and its challenges in AJK cannot be evaluated without taking the Kashmir conflict into account. The study espouses how the cumulative impact of these elements with their roots in the conflict breed substantial governance challenges in AJK to coping with climate change. The study also testifies the validity of conflict-governance framework. It demonstrates how the conflict in a region can impact the governance, adding another layer of validity to the framework. However, this research is not decretory and there might be some dimensions that the author overlooked. By extending the research, it can be made more sophisticated.
5. Recommendations
As the research has solution-oriented instead of problem-oriented approach, following policy options are recommended to strengthen climate governance in Azad Kashmir.
* AJK must have adequate inclusion in Climate Change Council (CCC) and Climate Change Authority (CCA) so it could compensate the non-representation in Parliament and its committees. The platform could be utilized to voice the climate problems of AJK which are not debated on the floor of Parliament.
* Without changing the autonomous nature of AJK, it must have conceded ad hoc representation in constitutional bodies of Council of Common Interest (CCI), National Economic Council (NEC), and National Financial Commission (NFC). For this purpose, experts to be mandated for formulating the legal and constitutional framework as the dispute is very delicate and any mere mistake could damage Kashmir issue on global stage.
* A separate agency or department for climate change to be established. An Incubation Center for Climate Change through public-private partnership is also the need of hour to develop innovative solutions for climate-related challenges.
* Changing the property law is beyond the scope of consideration. However, laws to be enacted relieving lease policies modelled on Punjab and other provinces and making AJK’s environment conducive to domestic and foreign investment.
* Without changing the stance on the conflict, negotiations can be initiated with India in multilateral sphere involving a common friend as third party for the management of shared water resources.
* Migrants problem remained a persistent issue. There is a requirement of holistic approach for their reintegration. Meanwhile, they must be shifted from huts to masonry buildings on safe sites. As of the latest update, thousands of them have been moved to Thotha where a housing scheme was established to accommodate them.
* Government must adopt systemic actions to engage civil society and particularly youth, and channel their potential to develop indigenous practices to contain climate change. Especially, climate change modules is needed to be integrated in the curriculum of school and colleges.
* Patronage to be given to individuals and organizations working on climate change so the localized knowledge on climate change tailored to the specific conditions of AJK could be produced. In this regard, students may be awarded grants for research on climate change.
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